Indisk polis plundrar tidningen “Forward Press” kontor och arresterar anställda


DEHLI. Den 9 oktober attackerade och vandaliserade dehlipolisen tidningen “Forward Press” kontor. Forward Press är en tvåspråkig tidning (hindi-engelska) som görs av daliter och bahujans. Polisen beslagtog kopior av deras specialnummer för oktober om “Bahujan Sraman”-traditionen och arresterade fyra anställda. Tidningen anses ha skrivit nedsättande om gudinnan Durga. och attacken har förmodligen drivits fram av hindufascistiska krafter.

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250 bondesjälvmord i Telengana


TELENGANA. Fattigbönderna i Telangana har stora problem rapporterar indiska The Times. Många har oöverstigliga skulder, nästan 250 av dem har tagit sina liv under de senaste fyra månaderna. I genomsnitt har minst två bönder begått självmord per dag i delstaten under denna säsong.

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Indisk gandhist och förkämpe för barns rättigheter fick Nobels fredpris


Kailash Satyarthi tilldelades Nobels fredspris tillsammans med Malala Yousafzai. De fick priset för sitt arbete mot förtryck av barn och unga människor och för rätten till utbildning för alla barn.

Satyarthi har arbetat för barns rättigheter sedan 1990-talet. Han driver organisationen Bachpan Bachao Andolan som arbetar mot barnarbete och människohandel med barn. Han är även grundare av organisationen Rugmark, numera kallat Goodweave, som arbetar mot barnarbete i mattindustrin.[Han verkar i Mahatma Gandhis anda och förespråkar icke-våld. I Indien har Kailash Satyarthis olika aktioner nått mycket uppmärksamhet och bland annat har hans organisation lyckats utföra en räd mot en textilfabrik utanför New Delhi som anställt omkring 100 barnarbetare. Han har även hungerstrejkat i samband med befriandet av barn som hölls fångna som slavar på en cirkus.

SANSAD News Release, Oct 14, 2014
Här är ett uttalande från SANSAD om årets fredspristagare:
“A Credible Award of the Nobel Peace Prize

The Nobel Peace Prize, which has been discredited by its recent awards to such entities of dubious merit as the European Union and Barak Obama, has gone some way toward reclaiming credibility by its award of the prize for 2014 to Malala Yousefzai of Pakistan and Kailash Satyarthi of India, both of them activists for the rights of children.

The Nobel Peace Prize is awarded within the context of global politics, so that its list of recipients also includes such notorious warmongers as Henry Kissinger. This year’s award is no less political. This year’s contenders included Edward Snowden and Chelsey Manning, who have made contributions of historical proportion toward human freedom from state surveillance  and yet remain one in exile and the other in prison. But since Snowden and Manning had dared to challenge the imperial power of the United States of America, they could not be awarded the prize they richly deserved.  It is by default that the prize was awarded to the greatly worthy champions of the most powerless, female children of Pakistan and all the enslaved children of India.

Malala Yousefzai and Kailash Satyarthi are remarkable people who have put their lives on the line for the empowerment of suppressed and enslaved children, and Pakistan and India ought to be proud of the recognition they have received. The political leaders of both countries have acknowledged this honor. Yet this global recognition shines a spotlight on national shame: the cause for which these champions have been awarded. In Pakistan the recognition of Malala has generated a vitriolic attack, not only from the expected quarters of the Taliban but also in mainstream media. In India the occasion has brought to attention the extent of the problem of clild labour in conditions of slavery, the laxity of effort in curbing it, and the complicity of politicians in enabling it.

South Asian Network for Secularism and Democracy (SANSAD), an organization of the South Asian diaspora in Canada, congratulates Malala Yousefzai and Kailash Satyarthi on the recognition their noble and inspiring work for downtrodden children has received and applauds the Nobel Peace Prize committee for their wise decision. We applaud the expressed desire of Yousefzai to invite the prime ministers of Pakistan and India to Oslo for the award ceremony as a contribution to bringing peace to the subcontinent. We condemn those who belittle the contribution of Malala Yousefzai in Pakistan as the voice of the oppressor of the weak. And we urge the governments of Pakistan and India to follow the path of peace and address the issues to which the Nobel Laureates for 2014 have dedicated their lives.”
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En indienvän har skickat denna rapport som ett förslag på studiecirkelmaterial.

On the occasion of ‘Columbus Day’ National Adivasi Alliance invite all
of you to the launch of the book “Forest, Earth, Water, Sky”, edited by
Satya Sagar, writer / activist. Impregnated with enormous official data
and statistics it throws open to the world, the socio-cultural and
economic realities of the Adivasi population of our country

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En intervju med den f.d. arresterade poeten Varavara Rao


I Am For “New Democracy”: Varavara Rao
An Interview With Aishik Chanda

Visiting Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai for a talk on “Raging
war against India: Deconstructing the notion of India”, revolutionary
poet, Maoist ideologue and journalist from Telangana, Varavara Rao spoke
to TISS student Aishik Chanda on the Maoist movement and the path ahead

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Norrman doktorerar om kampen för jorden i Indien


Doctoral dissertation on the Anti-Land Acquisition Politics in Singur

Kenneth Bo Nielsen from the Department of Social Anthropology, & the Centre for Development and the Environment (SUM) at University of Oslo, defends his doctoral dissertation entitled ”Saving the Farmland: The Making of Popular Anti-Land Acquisition Politics in Singur, West Bengal” on Tuesday 21 October 2014, 13.15–16.00. The thesis deaks with the fact that India over the past decade has been home to thousands of land struggles that have centred crucially on the often forcible transfer of agricultural land from small and marginal farmers or indigenous groups to industrial conglomerates or special economic zones. Yet in spite of the proliferation of such struggles, and the key role they have played in public debates over ‘development’ in India, few of them have been studied ethnographically ‘from within’ as they happened. Kenneth Bo Nielsen’s dissertation seeks to fill this ethnographic gap through a study of one of the most talked-about land struggles in Indian in recent years, namely that against the setting up of a Tata Motors car factory on fertile agricultural land in Singur in the state of West Bengal. Read more…


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Hur många indiska politiker är på jobbet?

Hr är en sida där man kan se hur många som är närvarande på sitt jobb i regeringen. Mvh Einar

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Indian authorities close down Coca-Cola factory


 För en gångs skull en positiv nyhet. Efter 11 år av kamp blev äntligen Coca Cola tvungen att stänga en nybyggd anläggning. / Einar

Tue, Oct 7th, 2014.  Natalia Rogozhina (NEO) : The closing down of the recently built factory belonging to Coca-Cola in India, located close to Varanasi in the state Uttar Pradesh, is the result of a prolonged and persistent struggle by the local residents, which has been going on for the past 11 years. The grounds for the protests were the concerns of the locals regarding the depletion and the pollution of the ground waters, due to the activities of the company, as well as the unlawful seizure of the territories belonging to local communities.

As a result, the Regulatory Authorities of India refused to issue Coca-Cola a permit for the activities of the new enterprise (one of the 58 factories, located on the territory of the country) and refused to present their decision for consideration to the National Green Tribunal (NGT), which sanctioned the closure of the enterprise in the first place. India is one of the few developing countries, where the active role in supporting ecological safety belongs to the court system.

Coc-Cola_India_NEOThe Court ruled that the five-fold increase in groundwater withdrawals, requested by the company will aggravate the water supply situation even further, which has significantly deteriorated since the arrival of Coca-Cola in India in 1999.

Back in 2009, the local authorities of Mehdiganj (the area of Varanasi being part of it) were forced to impose restrictions for peasants to use the ground waters, which could not but entail their negative response, aimed at the largest American corporation. The situation was aggravated by the fact that 70% of the water withdrawal accounts for the period from March till June, when the level of the groundwater occurrence reaches its minimum, which restricts the possibility of it being used by the locals, living at the expense of agriculture.

One Coca-Cola enterprise only uses one million liters per day. However, the production of the final product (600 bottles per minute) requires a quarter of the withdrawn ground water volume. A large part of it becomes waste which is discharged, without a full cycle of purification, into the environment and reaching the fields and water reservoirs, causing their contamination. State ecological authorities of India took samples of the waste produced by nine Coca-Cola factories and found a very high content of lead, cadmium and chromium, exceeding the safe standards for the health of the population by 30 times, which can result in the immune system malfunctions and presents a danger for cancer occurrence. One cannot say the same about the Coca-Cola drinks sold in the USA. There, according to conclusions made by the Indian non-government organisation ‘Centre for Science and Environment’, no poisonous substances were found in the company’s products. The Indian parliament has even prohibited the sale of Coca-Cola drinks in the building of the legislation authority, due to the high content of pesticides and chemicals, including DDT.

Another problem for Coca-Cola became the territorial aspect. Business expansion requires new areas, part of which is in the ownership of the communities, and the private usage of which is prohibited by Indian law. At the end of 2013, the Mehdiganj local authorities issued an order which envisaged evicting Coca-Cola from the territories unlawfully taken by it. Earlier the Supreme Court of India ruled in favour of banning the placement of any structures into the communal properties. Therefore the instruction of the local authorities on demolishing the Coca-Cola factory does have legal grounds.

The loss of the project worth 25 million dollars is a great financial fiasco for Coca-Cola, which considers India to be one of the major sale markets (among 200 countries where its products are being sold), generating high profits, which have significantly decreased in developed countries. This is due to the fact that people there are becoming increasingly concerned about their health and the consumption of Coca-Cola products presents a serious threat to it. Coca-Cola, which is considered to be the largest foreign investor in India (2 billion dollars from 1993 up to 2011), is planning to invest 5 billion dollars by 2020, into the development of its business in the country. And all of this is happening despite the growing discontent of the population, legal costs, and disputes with local authorities. Now the company has to improve its ecological image by trying to convince the Indian population that it does not have to do anything with water contamination or its shortages.

However, the statements of the company have not reassured Indian society; neither have the attempts of Coca-Cola to expand its charity activity in India. The population is protesting against the American company in different ways every day. According to Amit Srivastava, head of India Resource Center, R&D institution, which is taking an active part in arranging the protest campaign, “Coca-Cola’ is a shameless and non-ethical company, which places receiving its profit above the well-being of the communities, existing in proximity to its enterprises”. Nandlal Master, a representative of another non-governmental structure, campaigning for the closure of the factory, admits: “The local community has achieved a great victory and it has proven that it is possible to destabilize the authority of a large business”.

Natalia Rogozhina, PhD in Political Science, Head Research, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.

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Indiska poeter fängslas – då tiger svenska PEN. Vågar inte störa svenska ekonomiska intressen i landet


Den arresterade poeten Varavara Rao tillsammans med Arundhati Roy som emellanåt också hotas med fängelse på grund av hennes engagemang för Kashmir.

Jan Myrdal skrev igår i Aftonbladet om de 150 arresterade kamraterna i Hyderabad.

DEBATT. Allt är som vanligt. På svenska tv-nyheter och i svenska medier ser jag ingenting om det. Men Deccan Chronicle rapporterar på nätet den 23 september att Varavara Rao arresterats. På TV9 i Indien ser jag sedan ett 19 minuter långt direkt­reportage på telugo (ett kulturspråk med rik litteratur som talas av 40 000 000) om hur han och 150 andra arresteras. Det kan den som vill följa på Youtube. Vilket var deras brott? Pratayamna Rajakeeya Vedika (Forum för politiskt alternativ) hade sökt genomföra ett seminarium om hur den politiska situationen utvecklats dessa tio år. De gripna hade därmed gjort sig skyldiga till åsiktsbrott. Flera av de mest kända poeterna, sångarna, intellektuella i Andhra Pradesh fängslades för denna brottslighet samman med Varavara Rao. Ty sådant är Indien.

Men vem är då den sjuttiofyraårige Varavara Rao? Jo, en av Indiens största nu levande poeter. En litteraturteoretiker, kritiker och politisk aktivist. Den som vill veta mer om honom kan läsa om honom på Wikipedia, se på hur han presenteras av Poetry international Rotterdam eller gå in på hans egen hemsida. Han är inte olik den kenyanske vän och kollega han introducerat i Indien, den även i Sverige kände Ngugi wa Thiong’o.

Vem skall man jämföra honom i Sverige med som poet, introduktör och politisk skribent? Artur Lundkvist kanske, men Varavara Rao är ett snäpp starkare.

Att han nu fängslats är inte ovanligt, de senaste tjugo åren har han gång på gång fängslats just för åsiktsbrott. Sammanlagt har han i olika gripanden suttit mer än sex år inlåst för tankebrottslighet. Men som så ofta för vänsterfolk i Indien rinner rättegångarna ut i intet under det han sitter i sin cell.

Men i Sverige hörs ingen protest när Varavara Rao fängslas. Det är lika tyst som det är tyst om fängslandet av den rullstolsbundne litteraturprofessor Saibaba, rikskänd i Indien som försvarare av ursprungsbefolkningen och daliternas rättigheter.

Jag kan själv inte resa till Hyderabad för att rapportera. Får inget visum. Men även om officiella utrikeskorrespondenter i Indien inte tycks få rapportera om vad som händer för att inte störa svenska ekonomiska intressen i subkontinenten och de ädla liberalerna i PEN som vanligt tiger när det gäller vänster borde några – gärna konservativa – jurister med rättsmedvetande resa ner och bevaka vad som händer.

Jan Myrdal

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Naxaliternas meddelande till mötet i Italien


Den radikala internationella kommunistiska kommittén som har föresatt sig att stödja naxaliterna och kämpa för revolutioner runt om i världen har fått en hälsning från det största naxalitpartiet CPI(maoist). Vi stödjer kommittén i deras solidaritetsarbete för naxalitrörelsen men är kritiska mot att de blandar ihop solidaritetsarbetet med deras kamp för kommunismen.

Monday, September 22, 2014

Message to the Milan International Conference in Solidarity with the People’s War in India: 10 Years of The Communist Party of India Maoist

To all the delegates who have gathered in this Conference,
To all the parties, organisations and individuals who have worked to organise it,
To the International Committee to support the people’s war in India that is leading this Conference,

Warmest revolutionary greetings and heartfelt Lal Salam from the CPI (Maoist) and the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA), Revolutionary People’s Committees (RPCs), Revolutionary Mass Organisations and revolutionary people of India, it leads.

We greet you especially with the joy of celebrating the momentous 10th anniversary of the foundation of our party and with deep appreciation of your organising this Conference in conjunction with these celebrations exactly in the condition of great turmoil in the world. The formation of the CPI (Maoist) which united the two major revolutionary streams in India realised a dream long cherished by the revolutionaries and masses. In its 10 years of its existence 2332 comrades, including members of the Politbureau, Central Committee, State, Region, District, Sub-zone, Area and Village level party committees, primary party members and many more of the PLGA and the United Front, have made the supreme sacrifice to fulfil the revolutionary tasks it had set itself. We pay homage to these martyrs, to the revolutionary masses who have willingly suffered loss of lives and unimaginable repression to participate and support the people’s war, and to all those who laid down their lives for the great cause of communism throughout the world.

For us the celebration of the 10th anniversary of our party is an opportunity to take stock of our achievements and shortcomings. The PLGA, People’s Militia and revolutionary masses led by it have waged heroic political and military battles against a heavily armed and trained enemy, guided and backed by imperialism, particularly US imperialism. Our comrades in jail have written splendid tales of resistance. We celebrate these achievements, aware of our shortcomings, in order to forge ahead along the path of protracted people’s war.


Allow us to first place an account of the past ten years.

During this period our party, the PLGA, RPCs and all the revolutionary mass organisations led by it have striven hard to realise the tasks we shouldered at the time of its formation. In 2007, defeating the persistent attempts made by the enemy to thwart us, we successfully convened our long cherished Unity Congress, the 9th Congress. This enabled us to further deepen and enrich our ideological, political unity. An exhaustive review was made of the achievements and drawbacks, successes and failures, of the two and half years since the merger. Along with central and principal task other important tasks were set. The leadership was further strengthened. Thus, our party emerged from the Congress, more sharp in its ideological-political positions, more consolidated in its unity, more steeled in its determination and fighting spirit, to fulfil its tasks as the vanguard of the new democratic revolution of India, as a contingent of the international proletariat.

Since 2004, and more so after the Congress, the PLGA took major strides through arduous efforts and carried out heroic raids and ambushes. It advanced from company level formations, is taking initial steps in forming battalions, and improved its capacity of command and coordination of its primary, secondary and base forces. This has allowed it to attack and completely annihilate the Indian state’s mercenary para-military forces, in general at the platoon level, and in particular at the company level in the Mukaram battle. It has built up a broad People’s Militia, numbering in the thousands. This has been instrumental in defeating counter- revolutionary vigilante groups such as the Salwa Judum and Sendra, etc. where the enemy tries to ‘turn the people against the people’. The People’s Militia and the revolutionary masses have also been of great importance in the PLGA’s successes in major battles.

This period also gave important lessons in revolutionary mass struggles and co-ordination between armed and mass struggles. We must particularly note that this was done under conditions where almost all open mass organisations linked to our party, or even suspected to have relations to it, are banned and its members hunted, murdered or imprisoned. In the midst of this persecution, fully aware that the ‘masses are the real creators of history and we communists are mere children’, we have persisted in building mass organisations suited to the conditions and mobilising the masses in the hundreds of thousands. We led some major mass struggles that took the form of mass upsurges. New forms of struggle and organisation emerged, such as those in Lalgarh and Narayanpatna. Conducive ground was laid for the consolidation of an anti-feudal, anti-imperialist front. In many other parts of the country big struggles broke out where the masses came forward to defend their land. They fought against plans to displace them for the sake of opening big mines, dams and other pro-imperialist, pro-ruling class projects. We supported these struggles and led some of them. This gave us rich experiences in leading mass struggles, uniting a wide variety of forces. These struggles brought out the leading role of the party and the people’s war it leads. They were of immense help in extending the war zones and expanding the party and the PLGA through winning over new forces.

Another important arena of struggle is gradually expanding inside the prisons. Several thousands are in jail. Several Central and District and sub-jails in about 20 States have reverberated with the hunger strikes, at times indefinite, on the demands of political prisoners. Through their activities our comrades in jail have succeeded in mobilising ordinary prisoners to fight for their rights. Democratic organisations and forces are also playing a key role in this even amid severe countrywide repression. Support activities and struggles demanding release of all political prisoners have spread out across the country and internationally. The solidarity activities you have taken up in support of political prisoners in India were specially important and we cherish them as a glowing example of internationalism.

Over these ten years the party has further developed its capacities in different fields. It has actively engaged in ideological struggle against various deviations within the country and at the international level. It played a key role in the formation and functioning of the Co-ordination Centre of Maoist Parties and Organisations in South Asia (CCOMPOSA).

The party has paid attention to raise its ideological level through systematic study classes and rectification campaigns. Study material and magazines are published in various languages. Special effort was taken to develop study/propaganda material in adivasi languages. Syllabus and texts prepared for basic education were further enriched. These are used in the schools run by the RPCs and for the education of PLGA combatants and members of the mass organisations.

An exceptional contribution of the party is that of arousing the women who are half the sky and developing their capacities in political, organisational, military, cultural and other spheres so that they can lay claim to their share in struggle. Today around 40 percent of the fighting force of the PLGA consists of women, though the percentage varies in various guerrilla zones. Women are commanders at the platoon level and members of company level party committees.

The party has paid a lot of attention to develop revolutionary cultural activities. Mass cultural organisations exist in many States from village to State level. They spread the message of revolution and promote democratic and scientific values through multifarious cultural forms that learn from and develop national, ethnic cultural traditions and styles. They motivate the people to struggle for radical change. Their cultural messages also play the role of an instrument of rectification that attacks the reactionary values of the old society gripping the minds of the masses. These organisations are powerful weapons linking the party with the broad masses. Apart from these mass organisations, armed cultural groups are formed within the PLGA too, at the company and battalion levels.

Most importantly, through the planned work taken up after the formation of the united party, we could expand some guerrilla bases as a transitory step towards the establishment of liberated areas. We succeeded in consolidating Revolutionary People’s Committees (RPC) in several villages in these bases. The guerrilla bases enabled us to carry out strategic tasks to further consolidate and expand them to advance the revolutionary war. More people’s political power organs emerged in the period after the Congress. In Telengana and Andhra Pradesh several RPCs had been formed in the past. Though there had been a setback in these States, the people who had enjoyed political power are fighting to overcome the situation with that inspiration. In Dandakaranya (Chhattisgarh), several Area level revolutionary people’s governments were formed earlier. A few Division (District) level people’ governments have also started functioning. This is a new experience in the history of the revolutionary movement in our country. They are placing an alternative political, economic and cultural model in front of the Indian people by rejecting the fake democratic system and the pseudo reforms of the exploiting governments. These people’s governments are striving to increase the agricultural production of the people through their cooperative and collective labour while working very hard to march forward to achieve self-sufficiency for the economic development of the people and to support the party and the PLGA. Thus we march forward to realise the central task of our revolution, the seizure of political power through armed struggle.

Following the formation of the united party in 2004, the enemy has redoubled its efforts to destroy the revolution by expanding the US imperialism guided ‘Low Intensity Conflict’ strategy to the entire country. It now acknowledges us as the ‘greatest threat’ to its security.

Through this strategy the enemy has paid special effort to attack and destroy our leadership. As you know it has succeeded in this to a significant extent, causing heavy losses. In 2009 it launched its even more ruthless, intensive and extensive suppression strategy, the ‘Operation Green Hunt’, the notorious ‘War on the People’. A grand plan was prepared to wipe us out, employing fascist methods. Huge forces, including special forces, were trained and concentrated. Thousands of crores of rupees were spent. Massive propaganda targeting us as anti- development and a bunch of terrorists was carried out. Intense combing operations, surprise attacks on our forces, attacks on our mass base in the war zones were conducted by mobilising a huge number of forces in every operation. Large scale arrests of activists of all people’s organisations in rural and urban areas and militia in all guerrilla zones, burning and destruction of houses, properties and crops, mass murder of people and mass raping of womenfolk and killing and taking away a large number of livestock had become a routine one, fake encounter killings continued, destruction of our urban networks, destruction of the infrastructure built up through the collective labour of the masses were combined with reform activities meant to sidetrack the people. In the face of this fascist onslaught we did suffer serious losses. Led by the Central Committee, the whole party, PLGA, People’s Militia and revolutionary masses led by the RPCs and mass organisations, stood firm, learnt from our mistakes, redoubled efforts and hit back. Simultaneously we waged a political battle. We struck back exposing the enemy’s propaganda. This paved the way for a favourable political polarisation within the country. Progressives and democratic forces came forward along with revolutionaries to denounce the enemy’s Operation Green Hunt as a ‘War on the People’. Internationally too a broad movement came up to build world public opinion against this assault of the Indian state. This reaffirms the capacity of our ideology to counter the enemy’s psychological war and gives us rich lessons.

In the wake of the severe mauling they suffered at the hands of the PLGA in a few tactical offensives where they were wiped out in large numbers, the enemy started taking up operations with even larger forces. The enemy who was successful in damaging the leadership and cadre in the urban and plain areas is now targeting the leadership in forest areas. The enemy has already engaged its 500,000 Central and State troops in these war zones and is planning to increase it by several thousands. Drones are employed. The Air Force is involved in a supportive role and the Army is being readied.

Facing these attacks the PLGA has gained rich experiences in battling and breaking the enemy’s ‘cordon and search’ campaigns, deploying at times a force of 10,000. The PLGA, with the full support of the people and with exemplary initiative, bravely fought hour long battles, even for three days, to break the enemy’s cordon and successfully defeated its plans to capture leadership comrades. PLGA forces and people’s militia also fought back the tactics of the enemy of deploying the police and paramilitary forces through helicopters by firing on and damaging them with ordinary rifles.

While the tightening blockades, combing and attacks brought out the steel in the vast majority of our ranks, it has also exposed the rotten elements that had remained hidden among us. Liquidationists who pretend that protracted people’s war is not suited to our conditions, cowards who flee under different pretexts hopelessly trying to cover up their defeatism, traitors who sell out the people for the pittance thrown to them by the enemy – these trying times have uncovered them, one after the other. Among the masses some have “surrendered” under enemy brute force. Repeated and heavy attacks have caused great harm to the party structures in the villages and consequently to the RPCs and mass organisations too. A section of the masses have become passive.

In the first quarter of 2013, assessing the situation we face, the Central Committee had noted that the weaknesses in our subjective condition were uneven. It assessed that our countrywide movement is facing a very difficult condition. The reasons for this situation to arise are both objective and subjective. The Indian ruling classes, with the complete support and guidance of the imperialists, have launched an unprecedented multi-pronged countrywide strategic offensive to suppress our developing movement. We suffered some losses, lost some ground temporarily while withdrawing in the face of superior forces. The other reason for this is subjective, the mistakes we made in rising up to the demands of changing conditions of the revolutionary war and leading the PLGA and people, continuing remnants of non-proletarian tendencies in ourselves and failure in avoiding serious loses. The Central Committee has formulated the basic tactics to overcome this situation. It issued a call to Bolshevise the party aimed at becoming capable of overcoming the present difficult condition and achieving it by educating the entire party in MLM, political and military line and basic policies, tactics, style of work of the party and fighting style of the PLGA, lessons learnt from practice, rectifying its mistakes and shortcomings and thus strengthening the party, PLGA and mass base and paving the way to advance the movement. Whatever may be the situation, we have a mighty weapon to tackle it. This is our ideology, MLM. Grasping it deeply and taking up this weapon ever more firmly; this is the crux of Bolshevising the party. This campaign is going on and the party and all the forces led by it are striving to develop their capacities to defeat the enemy’s onslaught.

During the past 15 months we put efforts to preserve our movement and leadership amid intensified enemy offensive. In the recent period the PLGA, with the support of the people, conducted tactical counter-offensive campaigns and several armed actions, annihilated enemy forces and seized arms and ammunitions. Thousands of people and people’s militia led by the PLGA destroyed road building equipment, vehicles, guest houses, and camp offices of the government and the big construction and mining companies. Along with starting Bolshevisation campaign in the entire party, PLGA mass organisation and United Front organisations, we could achieve some positive experiences in some parts and extend into some new strategic areas. We are striving hard for revival of the movement in some of the areas from where we had to retreat.

In areas where we have weakened the party is trying to face the situation with Bolshevik spirit. Facing heavy odds and losses, we are opening up a new war front in the Sahyadri (Western Ghats) border region of Karnataka-Keralam-Tamilnadu.

Our party’s efforts to rally the vast masses in both secret and open forms against the pro- imperialist policies that served the interests of the ruling classes implemented by the Central and State governments continued. Thousands of people held rallies and vented their ire demanding the withdrawal of the Central and State forces. They protested fake encounters, massacres, illegal arrests and atrocities on women, attacks on villages, loot and destruction of people’s properties and demanded the release of political prisoners. Revolutionary land reforms and people’s welfare programmes were conducted by RPCs by mobilising the masses and PLGA also participated in these programs. The capture and execution of the hated Mahendra Karma, the main person responsible for the brutal Salwa Judum atrocities was a major achievement. Responding to the call of the party the people in rural Dandakaranya (DK) boycotted the Chhattisgarh assembly and parliament elections and some rural areas of Bihar, Jharkand, Odisha and Andhra-Odisha Border (AOB) people successfully boycotted parliamentary elections by resiting thousands of additional state forces and their brutal suppression. In areas where movements of adivasi peoples against mining and displacement are going on, majority of the people boycotted the Loksabha polls and expressed their protest against the these destructive projects.

As part of the election boycott campaign the PLGA forces successfully conducted tactical counter-offensive actions on the enemy forces that came to force people to vote in most of the war zones of Central and Eastern India. Some of these actions took place in areas which the enemy had claimed to have ‘cleared’ and taken control of. Within the first five months of 2014, spanning the election period, 63 enemy forces were annihilated and 122 injured in 31 actions. One PLGA combatant was martyred in these offensives. We could seize 36 weapons and 3366 rounds. It is noteworthy that these actions came in the wake of and during two massive country-wide special ‘cordon and search campaigns’ conducted by the enemy. Through guerrilla actions conducted constantly by the PLGA in the various guerrilla zones the enemy forces had to disperse their forces in a vast area and so were forced into a situation where they could not deploy their forces as they wish in our crucial areas. Due to lack of additional forces the enemy couldn’t carry out these campaigns more intensively in all areas at once except in Bijapur (DK) and some other parts of the country.

New forms of struggle are being developed to counter the enemy’s ‘carpet-security’ strategic network where heavily fortified camps with hundreds of troops are put up at short distances of 2 to 6 km from each other, steadily encircling our guerrilla bases and other war zones. In two instances, the masses, along with the PLGA or on their own with its support, have engaged in armed harassment or besieged such camps for days together and forced their shut down. The role of women in these struggles was exemplary. We have also seen instances where the masses either rejected the free goods distributed by the enemy mercenaries as part of Civic Action Programs or made a bonfire of them.

In this period an important achievement in last 15 months was the merger into one party of CPI (Maoist) and CPI (M-L) NAXALBARI. This was another turning point in the effort to achieve unity of genuine revolutionaries in our country. As pointed out in the merger declaration, this gives a boost to the capacity of our party to better fulfil its role as the vanguard of the Indian revolution. The unity of Maoists in the face of intense enemy attack has greatly encouraged our entire party, PLGA and the revolutionary masses. It has been enthusiastically welcomed at the international level too.

Overall the situation we face is still very difficult. But we are firmly holding on, boldly facing up to it, and pushing forward to overcome it. Needless to say, the solidarity you extend immensely helps us in this task. We are glad to see that you agree with us on the need to vigorously take forward the campaign to end Operation Green Hunt. This campaign and the solidarity movement in support of people’s war in India complement each other. Defeating this counterrevolutionary multi-pronged countrywide offensive of the enemy is an immediate task before us.

Every revolution advances in a wave-like manner. That is a law of history. In times of difficulties we should heighten our ideological level, keep politics in command, take the message of revolution deeper and wider among the masses, creatively apply the line of protracted people’s war and develop our tactics, be ‘red and expert’ in our political, military, organisational, propaganda, training, cultural, production, technical and other tasks, be more determined, dedicated and ready for sacrifice. Only thus can we emerge from this situation more united, more disciplined, courageous, stronger, more consolidated and more dynamic. This is the lesson we learn from the great revolutions of our class, summed up in the teachings of our great teachers. They have also taught us the need to reforge our ties with the masses on a deeper and higher level at each turn of the revolutionary war. At each crucial juncture the task of deepening the politicisation of not only ourselves but simultaneously the politicisation of the masses also poses itself afresh. We resolutely take up this task to unleash the revolutionary energy and initiative of the masses in an even more powerful manner.

Such is the brief account of our successes and failures, of the people’s war in India, over the past ten years. Such is the main way we have been contributing to the advance of the world socialist revolution.


During the past decade a number of important developments have taken place at the international level. We wish to draw your attention to some salient features.

The initial years of the last decade saw huge outpourings of the masses against globalisation policies that destroyed their lives and a strengthening of people’s wars and armed liberation struggles. The ideology of the proletariat was more sharply posed through the establishment of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Its wider adoption strengthened the grounds for closer unity among Maoist forces, internationally and in different countries. Stirrings of a new wave of revolution could be seen in the world. Mainly in response to this, imperialism, particularly US imperialism initiated and launched a massive, worldwide counter-revolutionary offensive, directed against the people. This was the main content of the so-called ‘War on Terrorism’ which all imperialists and reactionaries joined or supported. Wars of aggression against Afghanistan and Iraq, curtailment of democratic rights, attacks on people’s struggles, growing fascicisation throughout the world, step up of suppressive campaigns against armed struggles, people’s wars and Maoist parties — such were its main features. But the arrogance of US imperialism, the sole superpower soon got soundly rebuffed. The challenge was met. A worldwide struggle emerged against the war on Iraq and continued after the launch of the war. Powerful resistance in Iraq and Afghanistan bogged down the aggressors and upset their plans. Masses throughout the world refused to be cowed down and continued their struggles against the ravages of globalisation, liberalisation and privatisation. People’s wars continued to advance. As a result of all these factors, US imperialism was forced to change tactics within a few years. Bush was replaced with Obama. Talk of ‘decades of war’ was replaced with hurried plans for disengagement and withdrawal of troops. This is a stark indicator of the favourable situation that has emerged in the world. This period also saw a growth in the contention between imperialist powers as Russian imperialism began to assert itself in the context of the US getting bogged down.

As we all know, the global crisis of the imperialist system that broke out in 2008 has further exacerbated the situation world over. In both imperialist and oppressed countries, millions took to the streets and fought pitched battles with reactionary state forces, workers seized factories, masses occupied squares and shut down governments. Students, youth, women, workers, immigrants, pensioners — all have come out in struggle. The heady days of the Arab Spring are still live in our memories. Several hated dictatorships were brought down by the persistent struggles of the people. This blooming of the masses didn’t arrive at realising their aspirations for a genuine democracy, exploitation free system and people’s rule. But it has stirred up these societies in a deep way. It gave hope to the world peoples. The results will surely appear.

This is the world today. It shows a situation of great potential for a powerful new wave of revolution. But there is another side to this, a bitter side, one of betrayal. Once again in the history of the international communist movement revisionism has blocked it from gaining the most of a favourable situation. The betrayal of the people’s war in Nepal by the CPN (Maoist) leadership, particularly the Prachanda-Bhattarai clique, was the most damaging of its acts. The possibility of forcing the enemies of the people to drop their guise as saviours of democracy fighting obscurantist fanatics and bringing them into direct confrontation with a revolutionary people, of raising the banners of a people’s war led by Maoists as a rallying centre against imperialism and reaction, of winning over broad sections of the people to the cause of communism, was destroyed. From another end we see a liquidationist attack on our ideology that seeks to pull down the banners of a MLM and replace it with the hollow claims of Avakianism. This has already destroyed some Maoist parties, who once had an honourable place in the ranks of the ICM. Both of these deviations have been confronted by the Maoists and the struggle continues. Efforts are on to consolidate Maoist parties and build new ones. But the loss is evident. There is a considerable drop in the subjective forces of world proletarian revolution, caused not by enemy suppression, but by the enemies emerging from within it.

Thus we see the contradiction, the glaring gap between the potential of the objective situation and the subjective capacities of the Maoist forces. This is what we must confront. All our activities must be directed to overcome it. This is the deepest need of the oppressed and exploited throughout the world, the demand of these times. As Mao would say, “We must seize the hour, seize the time”. Our party believes that it is the need of the hour for the communist forces to strive to mobilise the broadest possible anti-imperialist, democratic and revolutionary forces to strengthen the campaign to end OGH and with a view to build a broad worldwide anti- imperialist front that is in process. And the further strengthening of the unity of communist forces world over would lead to stronger support for the Indian Revolution too.

In the present situation, the objective potential of the world situation is far outstripping the subjective capacities of the individual parties. Yet much can be done to win over a large section to the cause of communism through their united effort. The recent years have seen collective activities in the form of joint May Day statements, seminars on important developments, conferences of Maoist parties for summing up experiences of international organisation and strengthening the struggle against neo-revisionism, joint forums such as the International Support Committee organising this Conference and the solidarity activities it has initiated. We have welcomed these efforts and continue to support them. We must now explore the possibilities of making the closer ties born out of these activities and growing unity of thinking on ideological, political issues the basis for further advance.

Just as the Indian revolution serves the world proletarian revolution so too is its future vitally linked to how best the Maoists throughout the world can make the most of the world situation and advance world revolution. We take confidence from the burning desire for revolution expressed in the proceedings of the Hamburg Conference, seen in its motto that advancing the revolution in our respective countries is the best way of expressing solidarity to similar revolutions in other countries.

Our party which carries forward the legacy of Naxalbari had always considered the new democratic revolution that we are waging in India as an integral part of the world socialist revolution, the party a vanguard contingent of the world proletariat. The invaluable and incredible sacrifices that are being done by the people and comrades in our revolution are also an integral part of the great sacrifices done by innumerable beloved martyrs of world socialist revolution in each and every country.

Finally, before we conclude, we wish to speak about the great efforts you are doing in support of the people’s war in India. The news of your campaigns, its vivid images, are being taken to our ranks, PLGA combatants and revolutionary masses as widely as possible through our open and secret magazines and several other means. When they know that their sisters and brothers in far off lands stand up in militant solidarity with them, when they see images of protests before Indian embassies, of wall writings taking the message of their revolution to masses in those countries, their hearts swell with pride — we are not alone, our people are there, we are everywhere. Your acts have inspired us; they have made us more determined. We will strive our utmost to fulfil the confidence you have reposed in us. Our future, the future of the world revolution, the future of the world proletariat, oppressed nations and oppressed people is certainly bright but the path is a thorny, arduous and full of zigzags. The future of our enemies, the imperialists and their lackeys the world over, is dark and their doom is inevitable.

With revolutionary greetings, Central Committee, CPI(Maoist)
10 September 2014

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